Brexit – the US dimension

Sir, – We in the American Brexit Committee have communicated our concerns to a number of key members in Congress and to the president of the Friends of Ireland and to the chairpersons of the Ad Hoc Congressional Committee on Irish affairs. We are seeking an analysis of what a no deal exit would mean for the Belfast Agreement and are calling for hearings by both the House and Senate Foreign Affairs and Foreign Relations Committees.

When the UK comes with its begging bowl for a bilateral trade deal it can expect questions about its obstruction of legacy investigations called for in the Stormont House Agreement (2014), its proposal of amnesty for British soldiers involved in killing innocent civilians in Northern Ireland and its disregard for the European Convention of Human Rights.

We expect also to get answers from the Trump Administration on just what British trade staff have been up to in the Office of the US Trade Representative since they encamped there in July 2017. Our sense is that a hastily crafted US-UK trade deal is a rescue effort to save the British from the folly of Brexit. That makes it a prime candidate for suspect favours, privileges, trade deals and contracts for UK companies or individuals probably designed to favour UK companies at the expense of Irish businesses, all of which may have nothing to do with the UK trade deficit with the US.

Two things favour our efforts.

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First, the House of Representatives is now controlled by Democrats and will be less inclined to rubber-stamp a trade deal with little or no benefit to the American consumer, taxpayer or business interests, except to soothe the pride of this British government.

Second, in 2015 Congress adopted the Trade Priorities and Accountability Act which requires close collaboration between the Office of the US Trade Representative and the House Ways and Means Committee in the development and approval of trade deals. The chairman of that committee is Richie Neal (Democrat, Massachusetts), a friend of Ireland like few others.

The European Union has stood strong for the recognition of Ireland’s unique situation and the threats to its economy and people. We expect America to do no less. – Yours, etc,

MICHAEL J CUMMINGS,

Secretary,

American Brexit

Committee,

Chestnut Hill,

Pennsylvania.

Sir, – Writing of Brexit, Pavel Marianski (February 2nd) declares that the United Kingdom “doesn’t want to be a member of any club that it is not in charge of” .

One hopes that Mr Marianski is not so naive as to believe that successive French and German administrations would have been quite so enthusiastic about the European Union were they not in permanent charge of it. – Yours, etc,

CDC ARMSTRONG,

Belfast.

Sir, – Judging by the flight of so many British companies, even before the country exits the EU, it looks like the UK economy will suffer deeply after Brexit.

In the event of Britain wishing to re-enter the EU, I suggest that they request a clause in the Withdrawal Agreement to allow this to happen seamlessly at some future date. – Yours, etc,

SHEILA DEEGAN,

Dublin 3.

Sir, – I have no wish to be rude to a neighbouring country that has been good to me and my family down the years, but I’m nevertheless left wondering what part of the word “No” does the British political establishment not understand? – Yours, etc,

PJ MALONEY,

Cloneyheigue,

Co Westmeath.

Sir, – I note your coverage of a new analysis from Capital Economics on the impact of a no-deal Brexit (“No-deal Brexit impact on Ireland ‘less severe’”, Business, February 4th).

The company's founder and chairman Roger Bootle is a member of Economists for Free Trade, whose most recent report No Deal is the Best Deal for Britain needs little further introduction.

The expression “they would say that, wouldn’t they” springs instantly to mind. – Yours, etc,

IAN TALBOT,

Chambers Ireland,

St Stephen’s

Green,

Dublin 2.