Sir, – Remember Enda Kenny's promise of ministerial performance report cards? Another promise consigned to the dustbin of broken pledges. Now we are already in the midst of a new festival of promises. Perhaps The Irish Times might consider setting up a promise integrity index. If a politician makes a promise, it should be recorded, preferably in the main paper but definitely on the website. It would be left there and from time to time the politicians or parties would be specifically held to account for the progress or otherwise regarding the promises. It would be an enduring report on reality versus blithe irresponsibility! – Yours, etc,
BRIAN ROSS,
Bray,
Co Wicklow.
Sir, – It never ceases to amaze me how often politicians of all parties reply to every media question with “We have been quite clear” and continue in a manner that is, typically, far from clear. They’d be much more successful answering questions directly and honestly. And while I’m on the subject, could they stop saying something is “extraordinary” in every second sentence! – Yours, etc,
FRANK CLOHOSEY,
Douglas,
Cork.
Sir, – Having heard several of Micheál Martin’s recent performances, it is clear he isn’t campaigning to be taoiseach. He’s auditioning for Joe Duffy’s job. – Yours, etc,
COLM GALLAGHER,
Portmarnock,
Co Dublin.
Sir, – This election is likely to return about 25 TDs from the ranks of the micro-parties, disgruntled or expelled “gene pool” and local-issue Independents. Perhaps 10 of these will be left wing and will oppose the nomination of either Enda Kenny or Micheál Martin as taoiseach. At least 15 likely TDs could be considered centrist, some even traditionalist. If these 15 abstained from the selection of taoiseach, then a government could be elected with just over 70 seats, perhaps Fine Gael, Labour and either Renua or the Social Democrats.
A minority government would be just what’s needed for Irish democracy. Power would transfer from the Economic Management Council to the elected members of the Dáil. The guillotine would go, as would the practice of government loading committees to have a majority. In short, the Dáil would have a meaningful role, long denied it by the whip system. In order to pass legislation, the government would have to carry the debate and win cross-party support. Budgets would prove the most difficult items to pass, but winning the support of Independents or the Opposition would ensure that all sectors of society would be fully taken into account.
A grand coalition would subjugate the Dáil for another five years. Let’s try grown-up parliamentary democracy for a change. – Yours, etc,
SEÁN RYAN,
Castleconnell, Co Limerick.
Sir, – I don’t know why people are getting exercised over the eventual result of the election. Every evening, on TV, we are being told very authoritatively by a successful leading car manufacturer that “change is good”. And the losing parties need not worry, because the same TV message assures us that they have a scrappage scheme in place! – Yours, etc,
TONY CORCORAN,
Rathfarnham,
Dublin 14.
Sir, – Upon assuming office in 2011, Fine Gael and Labour had numerous incoming cabinet members with strong previous ministerial experience: Enda Kenny, Michael Noonan, Richard Bruton, Ruairí Quinn, Brendan Howlin, Joan Burton and Pat Rabbitte. The stability they brought to government at a fragile time for the State is evident in the positive turnaround of the economy and the fiscal picture.
In stark contrast, there is an alarming depth to the dearth of past cabinet experience on the Fianna Fáil frontbench. Sinn Féin and the medley of Independents have no-one in their ranks with any ministerial experience whatsoever.
The pragmatic reality is that from March onwards, a set of Ministers will be overseeing government departments with budgets in the billions.
Now is certainly not a time for voters to seek effectively to install a “cabinet of all the novices” by casting ballots for Opposition candidates. – Yours, etc,
JOHN KENNEDY,
Goatstown,
Dublin 14.
A chara, – There is no doubting that the Healy-Raes are extremely popular in Kerry (“Danny Healy-Rae to run in Kerry constituency”, February 11th), but would there not be a risk that some of their supporters might give them both a first preference on the ballot paper? – Yours, etc,
JOHN GALLAGHER,
Dublin 9.
Sir, – I must declare an interest. Many years ago I was one of those who put posters up on lampposts at election times. Sometimes this was done in such ghastly weather that I wondered – and still do – whether these eyesores served any real purpose.
I would love to know if there is any Irish research into the effectiveness of election posters. I would also like to know if the absence of them had any statistical or even observable impact in places where they have been banned, as they are in some parts of England, or in those places where the local Tidy Towns committee has secured all-candidate agreement to not deploy them.
Perhaps posters should only be allowed if the people on them are able to prove that they were actively involved in putting them up. – Yours, etc,
TONY McCOY
O’GRADY,
Rathfarnham,
Dublin 16.
Sir, – Stuart MacLennan (February 11th) writes that he is astonished that socialists in Ireland are uniformly opposed to the property tax since static capital is usually the best measure of accumulated wealth. There are several misconceptions here.
First, the accumulated wealth in a house is the current market value less the outstanding mortgage, which could be, and in many cases is, negative. Property tax is levied on the current market value only.
Second, a fair taxation system targeting static wealth would have to include all its forms, including, for example, amenity land, yachts, derelict sites, etc. Instead, the Irish property tax system not only ignores all these forms of wealth but also disregards all land attached to a property above an acre, even if it is entirely amenity. This means houses on large amenity land holdings are totally undervalued in relation to urban dwellings. Furthermore this makes it very difficult for Revenue to question these property valuations on sale; the house and land sold together may realise far more than the owner’s valuation, but who can say what price the house on one acre would fetch?
Third, homeowners may never realise the accumulated wealth in a house; it may simply be somewhere they need to live, especially in the very tough rental market here. Indeed many urban dwellers might prefer to live in quieter rural surroundings but have to migrate to urban areas to find work.
There they have to pay far more to buy a house, take on more debt and then pay far more tax than rural dwellers on a property they will initially at least have very little equity in. It is certainly not safe to assume that “the single greatest measure of their wealth is the value of their property”.
The correct approach to taxing the accumulated wealth in a house is, of course, through changes in the capital and inheritance tax laws.
Property tax is also justified as a fund for local services. However, it is clearly unjust that only house owners should pay for these services when the entire community benefits. For example, a house with a single earner of €50,000 will pay the same tax as the neighbour with four earners of €50,000 each, yet all are entitled to the same services.
Property tax is an anachronism from the days when property ownership brought privileges such as the vote and, up until recently, the right to compensation from the taxpayer for malicious damage to that property. We now live in a society with equal rights and should all pay for services according to our means.
Property tax is widespread in Europe. However, home ownership there, in a fairer rental market, is far more closely linked to income than in Ireland; half of all Germans will never own a property. Furthermore, these taxes fund a range of social services such as refuse collection that are charged separately here. Market-value based property tax with no regard to income is not a taxation model suitable for Ireland. – Yours, etc,
DONAL McGRATH,
Greystones,
Co Wicklow.