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Message from the Editor: The darkening mood of American politics

Charlie Kirk’s murder is another step in a grim cycle in which abuse increasingly substitutes for argument and trust in democratic institutions erodes

People kneel at a makeshift memorial for right-wing activist and Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk in Phoenix, Arizona. Photograph: Charly Triballeau/AFP via Getty Images
People kneel at a makeshift memorial for right-wing activist and Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk in Phoenix, Arizona. Photograph: Charly Triballeau/AFP via Getty Images

This week our Washington Correspondent Keith Duggan has filed striking reports on a tragedy that captures the darkening mood of American politics. He describes how the murder of conservative activist Charlie Kirk on a university campus in Utah is not an isolated shock but part of a longer story of political violence in the United States. And he sets the killing against a wider backdrop: a country haunted by the memory of past assassinations and uneasy about a future in which violent rhetoric and acts are no longer rare.

Over the past decade many observers sought comfort in the belief that, however bitter the arguments, politically motivated violence remained well below the levels of the late 1960s and early 1970s. That comfort has drained away. The assassination attempts on Donald Trump during last year’s presidential campaign, the killing of two Democratic legislators in Minnesota, the arson attack on the home of Pennsylvania governor Josh Shapiro and the murder of a healthcare executive in New York were already warning signs. Reuters now reports that such incidents are at their highest in more than half a century.

Kirk’s killing stands out not only for its brutality but for the role he played in contemporary American politics. Through his organisation Turning Point USA he worked successfully to narrow the Democrats’ traditional advantage among younger voters and to strengthen Trump’s bid to regain the presidency. His extreme and often prejudiced positions on race, sexuality and other divisive issues drew fierce criticism, but he also sought debate with opponents at a time when genuine cross-party argument is increasingly rare.

The aftermath has shown how polarised the United States has become. Senior figures in both parties condemned the murder, yet the House of Representatives failed to agree on a joint statement. Online discussion turned swiftly to insult and accusation. Gun-control advocates highlighted Kirk’s long opposition to tighter firearms laws, while conservatives blamed progressives for creating a climate of hostility. Graphic footage of the shooting circulated widely and partisan outlets selected the most inflammatory social-media posts to blacken the other side.

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Traditionally Americans look to their president for steadiness at moments of national trauma. Donald Trump, visibly shaken by the loss of a close ally, instead accused the media and the “radical left” of responsibility. As Keith observes, the political environment that has sustained him offers little room for reflection or restraint.

Kirk’s murder is another step in a grim cycle in which abuse increasingly substitutes for argument and trust in democratic institutions erodes. There is no reason to think it will be the last. For those of us watching from Ireland, the lesson is not just about America. The forces at work there - anger, demonisation, the normalisation of violence - are not confined by geography. Our own democracy depends on habits of moderation and on institutions that are able to channel passionate disagreement without tipping into conflict. None of that can be taken for granted.

Ruadhán Mac Cormaic

Editor

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