The Government apparatus has been winding up all week in preparation for tomorrow’s launch of the ten-year capital plan and the accompanying national planning framework - the combined “Project 2040” as the Merrion Street machine is attempting to call it.
The fabled Strategic Communications Unit has been holding internal presentations in advance of the trip to Sligo IT for a special Cabinet meeting and public launch of a plan long seen as a major element of Leo Varadkar’s pitch for the next election.
“Maybe I’m getting old,” remarked one Government insider after witnessing what John Concannon’s SCU - or “Stratcom”, the naff moniker some have given it - has in store. “But even I thought it was a bit over the top.”
After weeks of to-ing and fro-ing among Ministers and TDs over the contents of the capital plan and planning framework, both documents are now understood to be finalised. Even Michael Ring, who had previously voiced concerns about rural Ireland, declared himself happy at last night’s meeting of the Fine Gael parliamentary party.
We report today on how the Metro North element of the overarching strategy - viewed by Varadkar, Paschal Donohoe and other figures across Government as the main element that will benefit Dublin - will aim to unlock vast swathes of the capital for housing.
A new agency will manage land around the country to ensure proper strategic development, and one of its main tasks will be to ensure that homes are built along the Metro North line.
Against all the Government's best-laid plans, the Opposition, naturally, is gearing up to tear the plan apart, with rowdy scenes during Leaders' Questions yesterday on whether both documents are subject to a Dail vote. Labour's Alan Kelly also accused Ministers of being "sly".
And all this before we know precisely what the documents contain, and which towns and regions are winners or losers.
Stormont deal fails at the last
The collapse once again of the talks to restore the Northern Ireland Executive yesterday left Dublin and London surprised, and, failing any successful outcome in any renewed negotiations, spells further trouble for the relationship between Britain and Ireland.
DUP leader Arlene Foster pulled the talks down after she was seemingly incapable of selling compromise on the Irish language to her unionist base. Sinn Fein accused Foster of welshing on what had been agreed between the two parties.
In her statement collapsing the talks, Foster also effectively called for the restoration of direct rule from the Conservative government - propped up by the DUP - in London.
Leo Varadkar released a short statement last night in which he said Tanaiste Simon Coveney will be working with Northern Ireland secretary Karen Bradley “about the next steps”.
Before Christmas, Varadkar said Dublin would not accept direct rule in the event of unsuccessful talks. In such a scenario, the Taoiseach said the Good Friday Agreement allows the British-Irish governmental conference to be convened. That is precisely what Dublin will seek, he added.
The spectre of Dublin having a say in Belfast was enough to push unionists to compromise in the past, but the DUP will now surely bring its influence in London over the Tories to bear.
We have extensive coverage of the latest Stormont failure with analysis here from Gerry Moriarty, our Northern Editor.
In hisThursday column, Stephen Collins says the DUP and Sinn Fein "have followed some of the key elements of the populist playbook in terms of demonising their opponents and portraying themselves as the only authentic voice of their respective tribes".
Newton Emerson also has a very insightful piece on the internal dynamics of the DUP here.
